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INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
eRe weet
Hon. W. H. ENGrisH, President.
GEN. JoHN CoBURS, Ist Vice-President.
Wa. W. WooLeN, 2d Vice-Pres. and Corresponding Sec.
Jupar D. W. Howe, 8d Vice-President. ‘
W. DEM. Hooper, Treasurer.
J. P. DUNN, JR., Recording Secretary.
cE 2
The Society bas undertaken the publication ofa number of pam phie: 8
of which the first four are now on sale;
No. 1. The Laws and Courts of Northwest and Indiana Territories.
By Daniel Waite Howe. The Bowen-Merrill Co. Indianapolis.
1886. Price, 25 cents.
No. 2. The Life and Services of John B. Dillon. By’ Gen. John Coburn
and Judge Horac? P. Biddle. The Bowen-Merrill Co. Indianapo-
lis. 1886. Price, 25 cents.
No. 3. The Acquisition of Louisiana. By Judge Thomas M. Cooley. The
Bowen-Merrill Co. Indianapolis. 1887. Prier, 3 cents.
No. 4. Loughery’s Defeat and Pigeon Roost Massacre. Ky Charles
Mart ndule. Tne Bowen-Merrill Co Indianapolis, 1887. Price,
24 cents, ;
These pamphlets are printed ani seld for the benefit of the Indiana
Historical Soctety It is the purpose of the Society, to publish, froin time to
time, other original papers, and to reprint rare and ‘valuable documents
relating to the history of the State. With a view tothe genetal circulation
of its publications, they will be issued in cheap form, the small price charged
for them being for the purpose of defraying the «expense Of publication,
A. L. Roache,
A. C. HARRIS,
JR. WLLS0N,
W. DEM. Hooper,
J.P. DUNN, JR,
Executive Com,
cat INDIANA Historican Society PaMpHiers,
ee ere sere ern eaten
LUUGHERY’S EPEAT
AND
eye al KT rit
r ‘LULL RET
WITH INTRODUCTORY SKETCH,
By CHARLES MARTINDALE.
INDIANAPOLIS :
THE BOWEN-MBERRILL Co., PUBLISITERS,
] SSS,
a
fj oF 4
LL it
a
Fl
eamecomel
INTRODUCTION.
Upon the surrender of Post Vincennes to Col. George
Rogers Clark, February 24, 1779, that dauntless warrior im-
mediately began planning a campaign for tue reduction of
Detroit. He says: “Detroit opened full in our view. In
the fort at that place there were not more than eighty men
—a great part of them invalids—and we were informed that
many of the principal inhabitants were disaffected to the
British cause. The Indians on our route we knew would
now, more than ever, be cool toward the English, * * %*
We could now augment our forces in this quarter to about
four hundred men, as near half the inhabitants of Post Vin-
cennes would join us. Kentucky, we supposed, could imme-
diately furnish two hundred men, as there was a certainty
of receiving a great addition of settlers in the spring. With
our own stores, which we had learned were safe on their
passage, added to those of the British.' there would not be a
single article wanting for an expedition against Detroit.
We privately resolved to embrace the object that seemed to
court our acceptance, without delay, giving the enemy no
time to recover from the blows they had received; but we
Wished '. Lo become the object of the soldierv and the inhab-
itants before we should say anything about it.’ * %* %* 3%
Early in the month of March “I laid before the officers mv
plans for the reduction of Detroit, and explained the almost
certainty of success, and the probability of keeping possession
of it until we could receive succor from the States. °& %* %*
In short, the enterprise was deferred until the of June,
when our troops weve io rendezvous at Post Vincennes.”
But when the appointed time came, the troops sent from
Virginia under Col. Montgomery numbered only one hundred
'Three boat loads of goods and provisions, about $10,000 worth, had been
captured by a detachment sent up the Wabash River for that purpose on
the day after the surrender.
4 LOUGHERY S DEFEAT.
and fifty, and from Kentucky, instead of three hundred under
ee John Bowman, there came but thirty volunteers under
Capt. MeGary, Added to this. the paper money with which
the expedition was supplied, lad so de spree ‘inted that it was
almost valueless, and the purchase of provisions was impossi-
ble. For these reasons the campaign was deterred tor the
present.'
In the Spring of 1780, after correspondence with Goy.
Jefferson, of Virginia, Col. Clark began to collect stores and
prepare boats at the Ohio falls for the expedition against
Detroit? Much was hoped for in Virginia trom the favora-
ble disposition of the Canadians and the prestige which the
successes of this year in the North and South had given to
the Americans among the Indians.’ In the task of prepara-
tion, the utmost discouragements were met. In the fall of
1780 there was great distress from lack of’ provisions at Fort
Jefferson on the Mississippi at the mouth of the Ohio, at
Kaskaskia and at Vincennes. Dishonest practices by agents
and officers were wasting the resources of the State. Dis-
putes as to authority were rife. Respect and confidence in
Clark seems about the only thing that held the soldiery in
wuvthing like discipline The agents of the government
were distrusted by the people and their drafts on the ‘Treas-
urv taken with much reluctance, Desertions were constantly
going ons Slow progress was made, and in the meantime
the Indians, who were held in friendly relations only by
liberal presents, finding the sup plies cut off at the frontier
posts and being brought over to the interest of the Kuglish,
began to harry the outlying settlements. In December of
1780, Gov. Jetferson issued an order to the € ounty Lieuten-
ants of the frontier counties of Virginia levying detachments
from the militia to join the expedition at the Falls of the
Ohio. These orders aroused the most stubborn opposition
trom the people of those counties and protests were made
from Berkeley and Greenbrier Counties which set forth the
danger to their inhabitants from Indian incursions if) their
militia were further weakened by detachments.o The militia
1Clark’s MS. Memoirs; Dillon’s Hist. [nd., Chap. xv.
2 Virginia State Papers, Vol, 1, pp. 841-390
> Id 826.
HLetter of Riehard Winston to Col. Jno, Todd, Virginia State Papers, Vol. I
p 3s); Letter of Robt George to Col G. R. Clark fd. p. 3s2; also letter of John.
Williams and Leo. Helm, *Id. 888! Ld. 396,
6Virginia State Papers, Vol. 1 p, 461-{6s,
LOUGHERY'S DEFEAT, q
men vefused to obey the draft. On Junuary 18, 1781. Col,
Clark, writing to the Governor of Virginia says: “I have
exumined your proposed instructions. 1 don't recollect of
anything more that is necessary except the mode of paving
the expenses of the garrison at Detroit. in case of sue COSS, tN
supporting our credit unong strangers may be attended with
vreat una good CONSEGUCNCES, nad mV former experiences
induce me to wish it to be the case where T have the honor to
command, T would also observe to your Excelleney that 1
could wish to set out on this e xpedition free from any relue-
tance, which 1 doubt T cannot do without a. satisfactory
explanation of the treatment of the Virginia delegates in Con-
gress to me, in objecting to an appointment designed for me,
Which your Excellence vy cannot be astranger to. Teould wish
not to be thought to solicit promotion, wand that my duty to
myself did not oblige me to transmit these sentiments to
you. The treatment IT have vene “uly met with from this
State hath prejudiced me as thr as consistent in her inter-
est and | wish not to be distrusted in the execution of her
order by any Continental Colonel that m: iW be in the coun-
tries that IT have business in, which | doubt will be the case,
wthough the orders of the Commander in Chiet is very
positive.
On February 10th he wrote the Governor of Virginia,
setting forth the great lack of arms and his disap pointment
at the want of mene and received trom Governor Jetterson
wn encouraging letter notifving him that he had ves
leave from Baron Steuben for Col. J, Gibson to attend ;
next in command and that with General W ashington's recom-
mendation he hoped to have Col, Gibson's regiment attached
to Clark's command. A letter written on Mareh 27 to the
Governor of Virginia contains the following: “It’s a very
dlarming circumstance to me that if the Frederick. Berkele V
and Hampshire militia being exeused from the Western
service. To make no doubt but that good policy might ve-
quire it. LT suspected it, but six or seven hundred men
deducted from two thousand, is very considerable, 1 shall
never think otherways than that the militia of these counties
would have marched with cheerfulness, had they not been
encouraged to the contrary. Col. Gibson's regiment will
make some amends, but far from filling up the blank; per-
1 Td, p. 441.
2 Id. 5004.
, Id. 511,
6 LOUGHERY'S DEFEAT.
haps we may do it by volunteers from this quarter, I feed
the distress of my country and shall devote myself to its
interest. But, Sir, if any misfortunes shall happen, I have
the consolation to hope the cause will not be misplaced. My
situation is truly disagreeable; the most daring attempts.
would be agreeable to me was there nothing but death to:
fear, But more I conceive to be depending at presen!
To be flung into my situation by a set of men that are not
honored with the sentiments of a soldier, is truly disagreea-
ble. I hope these gents alluded to will live to repent of their
conduct, Conscious of the rectitude of the orders of Gov-
ernment aggravate the guilt of these persons in my ideas,
and cannot refrain from giving those, my sentiments,
though it may reflect no honor to me,”
Col. Broadhead refusing to allow Col. Gibson’s regimént
to be detached on this expedition, Clark wrote to General
Washington from Fort Pitt, May 20, 1781, asking explicit
orders to Col, Broadhead to this end. In his letter he says:
‘The advantages which must derive to the States from our
proving successful, is of such importance that I think de-
served greater preparations to insure it. But I have not yet
Jost sight of Detroit. Nothing seems to threaten us but the
want of men. But even should we be able to cut our way
through the Indians and find they have no_ reinforce-
ments at Detroit, we may probably have the assurance to
attack it, though our force be much less than proposed.,.
which was two thousand, as defeating the Indians with in-
considerable loss on our side would almost insure us success.
Should this be the case, a valuable peace will probably ensue.
But on the contrary, if we fall through in our present plans
and no expedition should take place, it is to be feared that
the consequences will be fatal to the whole frontier, as every
exertion will be made by the British party to harass them as
much as possible—disable them trom giving any succor to-
our Eastern or Southern forces. The Indian war is now
more general than ever. Any attempt to appease them will
be fruitless.’
Writing to the Governor of Virginia under date of May
23, he says: “The Continental officers and soldiers of this.
department, toa man, is anxious for the expedition supposed
against the Indians. The country in general wishing it to-
take place. But too few think of going. and so great a con-
11d. p, 597.
2 Virginia State Paper, Vol. 2, p. 108.
LOUGHERY'S DEFEAT. +
trast between the people of the two States in this quarter
that no method can be taken to force them to war, We are
taking every step in our power to raise volunteers. What
number we shall get T cant guess, I doubt too few. The
disappointment of seven hundred men from Berkeley and
Hampshire [am afraid is too great a stroke to recover, as
in fact, the greatest part of this country is in subordination
neither to Pennsylvania nor Virginia, General Washington
informs me that he had received information that Col, Con-
nelly had left New York with a design to make a diversion
in the countries to be reinforced by Sir John Johoson in
Kanady, I doubt Sir, we shall be obliged to play a desper-
ate game this campaign. Tf we had the two thousand men
first proposed, such intelligence would give me pleasure,
By the greatest exertions ard your timely supplies of money,
we have the boats and provisions expected in this quarter
nearly complete. [ propose to leave this about the 15th of
June if we can imbody a sufticient number of men by that
time. I do not yet despairof seeing the proposed object on tol-
erable terms, although our circumstances is rather gloomy,
Colonel Crockett and regiment arrived a few days past, who
informed me that a company or two of volunteers might be
expected from Frederick and Berkeley. [Loam sorry we are
so circumstanced as to be glad to receive them,”
It became apparent by August Ist that it would be im-
possible to raise the number of men required tor the execu-
tion of the plans against Detroit. Colonel Clark was greatly
disappointed and wrote from Wheeling to the Governor ot
Virginia, August 4, saying:
“T make no doubt but it was alarm to you that I had not
left this country. Whoever undertakes to raise an army in
this quarter will find himself disappointed except the law was
of greater force and not depending on the wills of the popu-
lace. This country calls aloud for an expedition, wishing
me to put it in execution, but so strangely infatuated that
all methods I have been able to pursue will not draw them
into the field. We have made drafts to no purpose. Goy-
ernor Reed has also written to them to no effect. From the
time I found [ was to be disappointed in the troops ordered
by the Government, I began to suspect the want of men
which is now the case when every thing else is prepared.”
“I could not get Colonel Gibson's regiment, otherwise |
should have been gone long since, but had to make up the
“A Id. p. 117.
8 LOUGHERY S DEFEAT.
deficiency by volunteers, but finding no argument are suffi-
cient, [determined to quit there leaving no stone unturned
by which they might hereafter excuse themselves,”
‘Tosave the garrison of Pittsburg trom being evacuated, I
have been ob lived to spare them a considers able quantity of
flour, but vet have enough to do something clever had Tmen.
I have relinquished my expectations relative to the plans
heretofore laid. and shall drop down the River with what
men T have, amounting to about four hundred, consisting of
Crocketts regiment, Craig’s artillery, volunteers, &c. Tf |
find a prospec tof completing my forces in any other country
I shall do it and make my strokes according to Circumstances.
lft tind it out of my power to do anything of importance, I
shall dispose of the public stores to the greatest advantage
and quit all further thoughts of enterprise in this quarter,”
“Pdo not yet condemn myself tor undertaking the expedition
against Detroit, T vet think had T near the number of men
first proposed, shoul | have carried it. | mav vetme ike some
strokes among the Indians before the close of the CHM PUL,
but at present really to be doubted. [have been at so mneh
pains to enable us to prosecute the first plan that the disap
polntment Is doubly mortiiving to me. and IT feel for the
dreadful consequenees that will ensue throughout the front
ier if nothing is done. This country already begin to suspect
it and to invite me to execute some plans of their own but
I shall no Jonger trust them.”
A letter by Major Croghan to Col, Win, Davis written at
Fort Pitt. August Isth. gives the information that “na few
days avo Gen. Clarke set out from this country by water
with about ate hundred men. including officers and Col,
Crockett's regiment, flattering himself he would be joined by
some more from Kentueky and the: Falls of Olio ¢ about halt
way between this and the Falls. Phe General expected 1.500
nen from this part of the country and is much chagrined
wt his disappointmenthaving provision. ammunition, artillery,
quartertaster’s stores, bouts, &e.. sufficient for upwards
2.000 men. Had the country people turned out and gone
with him, | have no doubt the people on this side the moun-
tain, in particular, would be sensible of the advant: Hove they
must reap by being able to live at their plantations without
the dread of being se alped, which is tar from being the case
at present, few days passing without the Indians doing mis-
chief of this kind.”
Virginia State Papers, Vol., IT p. 294.
es
LOUGHERY'’S DEFEAT, 9
“T much fear the General will be disappointed in getting
men down the River from Kentucky and the Falls, If. so,
the State is thrown into an infinity of expense without any
advantage, as the few men the General now has is not more
than might be necessary to guard the great number of boats.
stores, &¢., he has with him,”
“From every account we have the Indians are preparing
to receive him, and if they should attack him in his present
situation, either by land or water, I dread the consequences,
The reason so few went with him from this place. is owing
to the dispute that subsists here between the Virginians and
Pennsylvanians respecting the true bounds of the latter, and
the General being a Virginian was opposed by the most
noted men here of the Pennsylvania party. The people
here blame Virginia very much tor making them and their
lands (which beyond the shadow of a doubt is far out of the
true bounds of Pennsylvania) over to Pennsylvania, and I
am assured will never be content until the true bounds ot
Pennsyfvania is run, Tis true they ave going to run what
they call a temporary boundary. but so much injustice is
done to the State of Virginia and the people who are now in
it. and by this scandalous imposition will be forced into
Ponnsylvania, that nothing but discord will reign until the
bounds is run agreeable to the words of the charter of
Pennsylvania.”
It had been given out that this expedition was against the
Indians of the North-west. and the desigus on Detroit were
kept in the background. but nevertheless, Brant, the Indian
Chief, was well inférmed as to its purposes Tt was Clark's
intention to proceed up the Big Miami River and first attack
the Shawnee towns on that river, But subsequently he
changed his plans and decided to make the Falls of the Ohio
his base of operation.
Col, Archibald Laughery or Loughery was the County
Licutenant of Westmoreland County. Pennsylvania, and
upon Clark’s requisition he raised and provided with an
outfit, principally at the expense of himself and Captain
Robert Orr, a party of one hundred and seven mounted vol-
unteers, This company rendezvoused at Carnahan’s Bloel-
house, eleven miles west of Hannastown, on August 2, 1781,
and marched by way of Pittsburg to Fort Henry (Wheeling)
where they arrived on the 8th about twelve hours after Col.
Clark, with all the men, boats and stores he could gather
1Id. 345. 2Letter to Lord George Germain, Appendix,
10 LOUGHERY'S DEFEAT,
had departed, leaving orders for Col, Loughery to follow and
overtake him at the mouth of Little Kanawha, Several
days were consumed by Col. Loughery in getting started.
In the meantime Clark’s men began to desert. Loughery
apprehended Lieutenant Baker and sixteen men who were
deserting from Clark at Fishing Creek. To prevent deser-
tion Col. Clark was obliged to proceed from the Kanawha,
leaving a letter affixed to a pole direc ting Loughery to fol-
low to the Falls of the Ohio. Loughery’s stores and forage
gave out at this point and he detached C apt. Shannon with
seven men in a small boat to overtake Clark and secure
supplies, This detachment had not proceeded far when the
Indians, who were carefully watching the expedition, cap-
tured Shannon and all of his men but two and also obtained
aletter to Col. Clark detailing Loughery’s situation. Joseph
Brant, with one hundred Indian warriors, lay in wait to:
attack Clark at the mouth of the Miami River, but Clark
passed in the night, and the Indians being afraid of the can-
non and the number of men, did not molest him, but con-
cluded to wait for Loughery’s party. It is said that the
Indians placed the prisoners they had taken in a conspicuous
position on the north shore of the Ohio River and promised
to spare their lives on condition that they would hail Lough-
ery’s party and induce them to land and surrender, How-
ever this may have been, at about 10 0’clock on August 24th,
pea ciget having reached an attractive spot about ten miles
below the mouth of the Big Miami, near the present town of
Aurora, Dearborn County. Indiana, landed on the north side of
the Ohio River in the mouth of a creek which has since been
called Loughery’s Creek. The Ohio River was verv low and a
large sandbar extended from the south almost across to the
horth bank of the river. Col, Loughery’s party, wearied
with their slow and laborious progress and discouraged by
the failure to overtake Clark’s army, removed their horses
ashore and turned them loose to feed while some of the men
eut grass sufticient to keep them alive until they should
reach the Falls, .A buffalo had been killed and all were en-
gaged in preparing a meal, when the Indians appeared on
both sides of the river and began firing from the woods
The soldiers seized their arms and made a defense as long as
their ammunition held out. An attempt was made 10 escape
by the boats, but they were so unwieldy and the water so
low that the Indians cut them off. Unable to ese: ape or de-
fend themselves, Col. Loughery surrendered. Brant, the
LOUGHERY’S DEFEAT. 12
Indian Chief, says thirty-six, including five officers, were
killed and sixty-four made prisoners, One or two escaped,
but did not reach home for several months afterward, Lough-
ery was tomahawked by a Shawnee Indian after the battle
while sitting on a log, and all the wounded who were unable
to march were similarly dispatched. The prisoners were
marched eight miles up the Miami River to an encampment
where the Indians were joined by one hundred white men
under command of Capt. Thompson and three hundred Indi-
ans under Capt. McKee, both British officers. All of the
British and Indians, with Brant’s band of warriors, weut
down against the Kentucky settlements as far as the Falls of
the Ohio, leaving a serge: mt and eighteen men to guard the
prisoners, No attack was made on Clark’s army, however.
The prisoners were taken to Detroit and sent from there to
Montreal.
The disaster to Loughery was the culmination of the misfor-
tunes to this illfated expedition, All thought of accomplish-
ing anything more than the destruction of Indian villages,
was abandoned, Nothing of note was done until the fall of
1782, when another expedition was organized and moving
‘apidly from Wheeling destroyed the large Shawnee towns on
the Miamiand the British posts as far north as Lake Erie.
Lieutenant Isane Anderson, who succeeded to the com-
mind of Shanwon’s company after the capture of the latter,
has kept a diary of the expedition from the start at Carn: \.
han’s Block House, including the fight, captivity and his
wonderful escape from Montreal and trip through the wilds
of Maine, Connecticut. New York and Pennsylvania to his
home, This diary is now in the possession of his son Isaac
R. Anderson, who resides at Venice, (Ross P.O.) Ohio, and
the diary is also copied in McBride’s History of Butler
County, Ohio.
There are appended here two accounts of the Pigeon Roost
massacre, which seem to give some detnils not found in
Dillon’s History of Indiana, worthy of preservation,
12 LOUGHERY 8 DEFEAT.
THE BRITISH REPORT.
QueEBEC, 23d Oct, 81.
Lord Geo. Germain hy the Fleet:
My Lorp—I have the pleasure to acquaint your Lordship
that by a late dispatch from Detroit T have an account of an
advantage gained bv Jose ph Beant with an hundred Indians
over a division of Colonel Clark's army assembling upon the
Ohio for the purpose of destroying the Indian settlements.
nd if successful in his levies pe netrating to Detroit. Joseph
having intelligence of his motions, waited for him at the
mouth of the Miamis River where he passed in the mght
and with too great a force for Joseph to atgack him. but the
next dav he fell upon a p: i of 100 men commanded by a
Licutenant Col, Lockery, 64 of whom he made prisoners,
36. including the Colonel and tive other officers, were killed.
A reinforcement of a company of rangers Wa aw strong body
of Indians penetrated as faras the Falls in hopes of pursu-
ing the blow with success, but Mr. Clark's army were so
discouraged by this early deteat that they began to se parate,
and it is supposed have for this season abandoned their in-
terprise. Many smaller Indian parties in that qiarter have
been very successful, and some considerable s‘ cokes have
been made upon the Mohawk River and Frontiers ot Pean-
svlvania. The vicinity of these, and the perpetual terror and
losses of the inhabitants, will I hope operate powerfully in
our favor with Vermont, who will experience the hap py
effects of having their settlements protected, and some in-
habitants of the neighboring States begin to retire there for
safety. It would be endless and difficult to enumerate to
your Lordship the parties that are continually employed
upon the back settlements. From the Illinois country to the
frontiers of New York there is a continual succession, — |
must do Colonel Johnson and the officers who have the
direction of this service the justice to acquaint your Lordships?
that the families T have placed upon Carleton Island, at
Niagara and Detroit with a view to cultivation, promise fare
to succeed, and T have not a doubt will ina very few years
materially contribute as well to the support as to the con-
venience of those Posts.
Tam Xe,
(Signed) Frep, TALDIMAND.
LOUGHERY 8 DEFEAT, 13
DIARY OF CAPT, ISAAC ANDERSON,
(Original in possession of I. R, Anderson, Esq., Venice, (Ross P.O.) Ohio )
August Ist, 1781. We met at Col. Carnahan’s in order te
forma body of men to join Gen, Clark on the expedition
against the Indians,
Aug. 2. Rendezvoused at said place.
Aug. 3. Marched under command of Col, Lochery to
Maracle’s mill about eighty-three in number,
Aug. 4. Crossed the Youghagania River.
Aug. 5. Marched to Devor's ferry,
Aug. 6. To Raccoon settlement.
Aug. 7. Capt. Mason's.
Aug. 8. To Wheeling Fort and found Clark was started
down the river about twelve hours.
Aug. 9 Col. Lochery sent a quartermaster and officer of
the horse atter bim, which overtook him at Middle Island
and returned; then started with all our foot troops on seven
boats, and our horses by land to Grave Creek.
Aug. 138. Moved down to Fishing Creek; we took up
Lieut. Baker and sixteen men deserting from Gen. Clark
and went that day to middle of Long Beach, where we
staved that night,
Aug. 15 To the Three Islands. where we tound Major
Craveratt waiting on us with a horse boat. Ife. with his
euard, six men, started that night after Gen. Clark.
Aug. 16. Col. Lochery detached Capt, Shannon with
seven men and letter atter Gen. Clark and we moved that
day to the Littl Conmaway (Kanawha) with all our horses
on board the boats.
Aug. 17. Two men went out to hunt who never returned
tous. We moved that day to Butfalo Island,
Aug. 1&8.) To Catfish Estland.
Aug. 19% To Bare Banks.
Aug, 20. We met with twoof Shannon's men who told ws
they had put to shore to cook, below the mouth of the
Siotha (Scioto) where Shannon sent them and a sergeant out
to hunt. When they had got about balfa mile in the wool,
they heard a number of guns fire, which they supposed to
be Indians firing on the rest of the party, and they immedi-
ately took up the river to meet us; but tufortunately the
14 LOUGHERY’S DEFEAT.
sergeant’s knife dropped on the ground and it ran directly
through his foot and he died of the wound in a few minutes,
We sailed all night.
Aug. 21. We moved to the Two Islands.
Aug. 24%. To Sassafras Bottom.
Aug. 23. Went all night and all day.
Aug. 24. Col. Lochery ordered the boats to land on the
S
Indiana shore, about ten miles below the mouth of the Great
Meyamee (Miami) River, to cook provisions and cut grass for
the horses when we were fired on by a party of Indians ‘
trom the bank. We took to our boats expecting to cross
river, and were fired on by another party in a number of
noes in the river, and soon we became a prey to them. They
kill. d the Col. and a number more after they were prisoners.
The number of our killed was about forty. They marched
us that night about eight miles up the river and encamped.
Aug. 25. We marched eight miles up the Meymee River
and enct imped.
Aug. 26. Lay in camp.
Aug. 27. The party that took us was joined by one hun-
dred white men under the command of Capt. Thompson and
three hundred Indians under command of Capt. McKee.
Aug. 28. The whole of the Indians and white men went
down against the settlements of Kentucky, excepting a ser-
geant and eighteen men which were left to take care of six-
teen prisoners and stores that were left there. We lay there
until the 15th of September. ~
Sept. 15,1781. We started towards the Shawnee towns on
our way to Detroit.
Sept. 19. Arrived at Chillecothey, where the Indians took
Ld 2 4 oo mn . . ’
all the prisoners from Capt. Thompson excepting six of us
We lay there until the 26th.
Sept. 26. We marched to Laremes.
Sept. 27. Over the carrying place to the Claize.
Sept. 28. To the Taway village.
Sept. 29. Continued our march. '
Sept. 30. Marched all day through swampy ground.
Oct. 1. Arrived at Roche de Bout and rested there eight
days. .
Oct. 4. Capt. Thompson marched for Detroit and left us
with the Mohawks where we lay until the eighth.
Oct. 8. Started in a canoe with the Indians for Detroit
and lay at the foot of the rapids all night.
a e
LOUGHERY'’S DEFEAT. 15
Oct. 9. Got to Stony Point half way to Detroit from the
mouth of the Mame (Maumee) river.
, Oct. 10. Got to the spring well, four miles from Detroit.
Oct. 11. Taken into Detroit and given up to Major Arent
Schuyler De Pester who contined us to the citadel.
Oct. 13, Got into good quarters and were well used; had
clothing and hberty of going where we pleased round the
town until the fourth of Nov.
Nov. 4. We went on board the sloop Felicity bound for
’ Niagara,
Nov. 5, Lay at anchor in Put in Bay,
Nov. 6. Likewise.
Nov. 7. Set sail with a fair wind.
Nov. 8. Wind ahead.
Nov. 9. Sprung the mast by distress of weather.
Nov. 10. Very stormy weather, lower our sails.
Nov. 11. Put in a Presque Isle ‘Bay.
Nov. 12. Lay in said Harbor.
Nov. 13. Sailed for Fort Erie.
Nov. 14. Went to Batteaux to Fort Schlosser one mile
above Niagara Falls.
Noy. 15. Went over the carrying place to Nigara Fort
and put on board the Seneca.
Nov. 16. Set sail for Carleton Island.
Nov. 17. Arrived at said place.
Nov. 19, Put in the guard house at said place.
- Nov. 20. Started in Batteaux for Montreal.
Noy. 21) Continued on our journey.
Nov. £2. Lay at Oswegatchie.
Nov. 23. Crossed the Long Saut.
Nov. 24.) Arrived at Coteau du Lae.
Nov. 25. Crossed the Cascades to the Isle of Berrot.
Novy, 26, Was beat by wind up Chateaugay Island.
Nov. 27. Crossed Chateaugay river and went to Caughna-
waga, an Indian village and crossed the river St. Lawrence
with much difficulty and lay at La Chine all night.
Nov. 28. Drew provisions and were insulted by drunken
Indians; went down to Montreal and were delivered to Gen,
Spike who put us in close confinement,
Nov. 29. Removed to the long house in St. Mare parish
and remained there until May 26, 1782.
May 26, 82. Sealed the pickets about 2 o Clock in the
day time and crossed the river at Longueil chureh and got
16 LOUGHERY'S DEFEAT.
into the woods immediately, and steered for Sorel River;
crossed it that night and went into a Frenchman’s barn and
killed two lambs and took two horses and rode all night till
day break, then we made a halt, skinned and barbecued the
lambs,
May 27. Started with our horses, got them about tive
miles atu were obliged to turn them out of hand on account
of swampy ground and steered an east course all day, and
“ame to the river Missisque, crossed it on a raft; marched
nbout 2 miles after dark and encamped.
May 28. Marched about daybreak. Had gone one mile
when we heard the drums beat the reveille from a block
house on said river. We steered that day southeast expect-
ing to strike Heason’s road but found it not. We encamped
that night on a very high mountain,
May 29. Found’a large quantity of snow on said moun-
tain. Crossed the river Missisque and another mountain
that day and encamped.
May 30, Crossed three mountains and camped,
May 31. Came toa level country and crossed four creeks,
one very difficult to cross, that emptied into Lake Memphre-
magog. We were obliged to camp on bad ground that night
and our provisions were done.
June 1. Our provisions being done we were obliged to
kill our dog and eat him, lost our compass but Providence
favored us with clear weather that day and part of the next.
We sterred our oid course, southeast and encamped.
June 2.) Struck a branch of the Passumpsic. river and
kept down it, and in the evening made a raft, expecting to
go by water but was disappointed by drift wood. We en-
camped i in the forks of said river all night.
June 3. Kept our old course and struck an east branch of
said river. We kept down it by reason of dark weather.
We encamped that night on dead running water,
June 4. Made two rafts and never got any service of
them, by reason of rapid running water, and kept our eld
course that day and encamped.
a 6. Continued our march and struck the settlement
~ Cohorse on said river, that evening at one Smith's. We
came down the Connecticut that night and crossed below
the forks where we staid all night.
June 7 Came past Ebr. Willoughby and to Richard
Salmon’s where we staved all night 12 miles from where we
struck the settlement. :
LOUGHERY 8 DEFEAT, 17
June 8. Came to Brig. Gen, Bayley’s and rested there
two days.
June 10, Crossed the river to his son's. Mphr, Bavley's,
where we got a pair of shoes, and went to James Woodward's.
Maquire, where we staved all night,
June ll, To Capt. Ladd’s, 21 miles,
June 12. To Col, Johnson's, two miles,
June 13. To Capt. Clement's on our way to Pennysuik,
11 miles.
June 14. To Emerson's, Esq.. 21 miles,
June 15, To Capt. Favor's, 19 miles,
June 16, To Col, Garrishe’s, 14 miles,
June 17, To Col, Walker's in Pennyeuik, 12 miles, where
the general court was, There we made application tor
money and next day got a little.
June 18, Went to Capt. Todd's, 11 miles,
June 1% To Capt. Walker's where we eat dinner: and
left the Merrimac river, and got on the great road tor Fish-
kills to headquarters, and stayed that night at the sign of
the Lion, 80 miles,
June 20. To Mr. Holton’s four miles from GLaneaster in
the Bay State. 25 miles,
June 21.) To Worcester and from there to Mr. Serweant’s.
where we stayed three nights, and got two pair of trowsers
mide,
June 24. To Benj. Cotten’s 35 miles,
June 25, To Springtield and crossed the Connecticut river
and came to Mr. Eansee’s in Connecticut province 82 miles,
June 26. To Mr. Camp's in Washington town, 40 miles.
June 27. Came past Bull's works and into York province
to Thos Storm's, Bisq.. where we lay all night.
June 28. Came to Pishkill’s landing 15 miles and crossed
the North river to Newberg to headquarters expecting to vet
a supply of money, but his Excellency was gone up the river
to Albany and we could not obtain any. From thence to
New Windsor, 2 miles, where we met with a friend, but noe
acquaintance, Who lent us money to carry us to Philadelphia,
Which was a great favor. We came that night to John
Brouster’s 11 miles.
June 29, To Mr. Snyder's tavern, Jersey province, 32
miles,
June 30. Came through Hackettstown and came to Mr.
Haslet’s, 27 miles.
July 1. Through Phillipsburg and from there we crossed
18 LOUGHERY 8S DEFEAT.
the Delaware river at Howell's ferry and got into Pennsyl-
vania to Wim, Bennetts in Buck county, 43 miles and 27
from Philadelphia.
July 2. Came to Philadelphia 27 miles and stayed there
until the 4th.
July 4. Started for Carlysle about 3 o'clock in tae after-
hoon and came to the Sorrel House. 13 mites.
July 5. To Capt. Mason’s, 42 miles,
July 6. Came through Laocaster and from thence to Mid-
dletown where we lay all night, 37 miles.
July 7 Crossed the Susquahanna river and came to Car-
lisle about 1 o'clock, 26 miles and rested three nights.
July 10.) Started and came through Shippensburg to Capt.
TI ios, ¢ ‘ampbe Is 36 mile S,
July 11. Rested at said Campbell's.
July 12. To Mr. Welch's about 5 miles,
July 13° To crossing Juniata 28 miles,
July 14. Came through Bedford to Arthur MeGaughey’s,
21 miles,
July 15. To Loud’s in the Glades, 32 miles,
July 16. To Col. Campbell's, 28 miles.
20th Congress 2nd Session Report No. 30. House of Representatives
ARCHIBALD LOUGHERY.
(To accompany Bill House of Representatives No. 611.)
JANUARY 20, 1847.
Mr. Blanchard from the Committee on Publie Lands made
the following
REPORT:
The Committee on Public Lands. to whom was referred
the claims of Jane Thompson and Elizabeth MeBrier, of
Westmoreland County, Pennsylvania, make the following
report ;
That the Commonwealth of Virginia, on the second day of
January, 1781, yielded to the Congress of the United States,
for the benefit of said States. all right, title and claim which
the said commonwealth had to the territory northwest of
the river Ohio, subject to the conditions annexed to the said
LOUGHERY 8S DEFEAT. 19
act of cession ; which said act of cession, with the conditions
annexed, the Congress of the United States accepted, among
which conditions was the following: “That a quantity, not
exceeding one hundred and fifty thousand acres ot land prom-
ised by the State of Virginia, should be allowed and granted
to the then Colonel (now General) George Rogers Clark,
and to the officers and soldiers of his regiment who marched
with him when the posts of Kaskaskias and St. Vincents
were reduced, and to the ofticers and soldiers that have since
heen incorporated into the said regiment: to be laid off in one
tract, the length of which not to exceed double the breadth.
in such place on the northeast side of the Ohio as a majority
ot the officers shall choose; and to be afterwards divided
among the said officers and men in due proportion according
to the laws of Virginia.”
The committee further report, that it appears by the att-
davit of credible witnesses that Colonel Archibald Loughery,
father of the above-named claimants, (which attidavits are
hereto annexed and made part of’ this report) some time
during the summer of 1781 raised several companies of vol-
unteers of which he was chosen commander. for the purpose
ot joining the forces of General George Rogers Clark in the
expedition against the Mohawk and Senecr Indians. inhabit-
ing the country now belonging to the State of Ohio. That
in August, 1781, he marched with his men to Wheeling,
Ohio, expecting to join the forces under said General Clark.
but when he and his men arrived at Wheeling they found
(reneral Clark had lett that place a few days before they
arrived but had left boats for Colonel Loughery and his men
to follow them. That they took the boats thus left for them.
but some where near the motith of the Big Miami. river,
Colonel Loughery and his men landed to cook and eat some
food, and were attacked by a large body of Indians, and the
said Loughery and a number of his men were killed and
the remainder taken prisoners by the Indians, and never
j ined the forces under General Clark as was intended,
The committee, therefore. report that, upon the above
state of facts, the heirs of the said Colonel Archibald Lough-
ery are entitled to the same quantity of bounty land as if
their father had actually joined the’ forces under Genera!
George Rogers Clark.
PENNSYLVANIA, ine
WESTMORELAND Cotnry, Ce
20 LOUGHERY 8S DEFEAT.
Personally appeared before the subscriber, a justice of the
pence in and for said county, James Kean, who being duly
sworn according to law, Wpon his solemn oath doth depose
and say: That sometime in the summer of seventeen hun-
dred and eighty-one, volunteers were raised in Westmore-
land County, Ponnsyly ania. for the purpose of joining an
expedition at that time muking against the Mohawk, Scnec:
and other tribes of Indians; that said volunteers were bo
march in the country now Com Posing the State of Ohio:
that the companies in Westmoreland County were under the
command of Colonel Archibald Loughery, and were com-
posed of upward of a hundred men under the command of
oe colonel, Phis deponent was attic hed to a company of
“unigers under Captain Thomas Stokely, that they had vol-
das cin to march under the comme and of General (reorge
Rogers Clark on the expedition: that ¢ ‘olonel Loughery
marched his men to Wheeling, where this de ‘ponent under-
stood they were to Join Gener al Clark. On the arrival of the
troops there, they found that General Clark had left there
four days be fore. but had lett four or five boats behind to
carry on | ‘olonel Loughery and his men, From this place
Colonel Loughery sent a messenger (Richie Wallace) after
General Clark: he brought word that Clark would wait for
them at the mouth of some creek. the name of which is not
remembered by deponent. Colonel Loughery and his com-
panies embarked in the boats left for them at Wheeling by
General Clark. wid arrived on that or the next day at the
mouth of the creek. On their way down they took sixteen
deserters from the troops ot General C ee and carried them
along back. On their arrival at the ¢ cok they found Gene-
ral Clark and his troops had left. mes Loughery then
proceeded with his men after Clark in the boats. On the
Mist or 24th of August, PTS1, they Ianded on the north bank
of the Ohio. about ten miles below the mouth of the Big
Miami river, for the purpose of cooking some victuals; the
river was then low; there was a sand-bar that reached into
the river from the south side, As they were kindling their
fires, the Indians commenced an attack from an upper bank,
Colonel Loughery ordered bis troops to the boats, to pass
over to the sand-bar; as soon as they embarked) and com-
menced moying over. a Inrge body of Indians rushed from
the woods on the bar and preve nted a landing or making an
escape, When the colonel ordered us to surrender. There
were sbout thirty men killed in the fight on the side of the
LOUGHERY'S DEFEAT. 21
whites.’ Within an hour or two after the fight, this depo-
nent understood Colonel Loughery was killed by a Shawnee
Indian as he was sitting on a log: deponent within that
time saw the scalp of the colonel in the hands of an Indian:
the peculiar color ot the hair caused deponent to know the
scalp,
JAMES KEAN, his x mark.
Sworn and subscribed before me this 25th August, 1843
W. McWiLuiams.
I do certify that Lam acquainted with James Keon, the
foregoing deponent, and that he is & man of credibility, and
that full credit is given to his testimony as such.
Witness my hand and seal this 25th August, A. D. 1845.
W. McWIULLIAMS. L.S.
STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA. )
WESTMORELAND COUNTY. j
SS,
I, David Fullwood, prothonotary of the court of common
Pleas of the county of Westmoreland, in the Commonwealth
of Pennsylvania, do hereby certity that W. Me Williams, Esq...
before whom the foregoing deposition Wis made, and whose
name, in his own proper handwriting, is to the above cer-
titicate appended, was then, and now is, an acting justice of
peace in and for said county of Westmoreland, duly com-
missioned and appointed. and to all whose official acts and
deeds full faith and credit are of right due.
In testimony whereot I have hereto set my hand,
— —., and atfixed the seal of said court at Gree ‘usbure,
, LS. - the twenty-fifth day of August, in the year of our
—,— ) Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty -three.
~ Davip Friiwoop, Prot.
PENNSYLVANIA, 7
Burner County, ) >”
Personally appeared before me. a justice of the peace in
‘and for the county of Butler, Wilham Christie, and after
‘being duly sworn according to law, deposeth and siuth that
he was well avequainted with Colonel Archibald Loughery,.
of Westmoreland County, and his wife Mary, and that he
22 LOUGHERY'S DEFEAT.
was well acquainted with their two reputed daughters, Jane
Loughery and Elizabeth Loughery, and that said Jane was
married to Samuel Thompson of said county of Westmore-
land, and that Elizabeth was married to David McBrier of
the same county. And further saith not.
WHELLIAM CHRISTIE.
Sworn and subscribed before me, this the 9th day of
March, 1844.
Joun Brewster, J. P.
I do certify that I am acquainted with William Christie,
the foregoing deponent, and that he is a man of credibility,
and that full credit is given to his testimony as sach,
Given under my band and seal, this the 9th day of March,
18-44.
Joun Brewster, J. P. , L.S. |
Butier Country, eee
> SS.
STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA. — j
I, Jacob Mechlin, Jv., prothonotary of the court of com-
mon pleas in and for the county of Butler. in the Common-
wealth ot Pe ‘nnsvivania, do by these presents, certify that
John Brewster, Esq. before whom the foregoing certificate
was taken. and who has thereunto, in his own proper hand-
writing subscribed his name, was at the time of taking such
certificate. and now is, an acting justice of the peace in and
for the said county, duly commissioned and sworn, to all
whose acts, as such, due faith and credit are, and of right
ought to be given throughout the United States and elsew here.
haere In testimony whereof [ have hereunto set mv
L.S. | hand and affixed the seal of said court at Butler.
Lee’ J in the said county, this the 9th day of March, in
the vear of our Lord one thousand eight hundred:
and forty-four,
Attest: Jacosp Mrcuuin, Jr,
Prothonotary.
LOUGHERY 8 DEFEAT. 2i
PENNSYLVANIA, Pies
WESTMORELAND COUNTY, )
P-rsonally appeared before me the subscriber, a justice of
the peace in and for said county, James Chambers, who being
duly sworn according to law upon his solemn oath doth
depose and say; that I was taken prisoner by the Indians in
June, seventeen hundred and eighty-one, and taken to De-
troit; and: that while there Ezekiel Lewis, with several
others, were brought prisoners to Detroit, and stated to said
deponent that they had been taken prisoners with Colonel
Archibald Loughery who was killed by the Indians. Said
deponent was acquainted with Colonel Loughery, and his
family consisted of a wife and two daughters—Jane, who
was afterward married to Samuel Thompson, since deceased,
and Elizabeth, who was afterwards married to David McBrier,
since deceased—who now reside in Washington township,
Westmoreland county, and State of Pennsylvania, And
further saith not.
JAMES CHAMBERS.
Sworn and subscribed before me, March 6th, 1844.
ALEXANDER THOMPSON,
I do certify that Tam acquainted with James Chambers
the foregoing deponent, and that he isa man of credibility
and that full credit is given to his testimony as such.
Witness my hand and seal, this the 6th day of March, A. D.,
18-44. Mine aap
ALEX, THOMPSON. LS
STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA, )
WESTMORELAND COUNTY. \
SS,
I, David) Fullwood, prothonotary of the courtof common
pleas for the county of Westmoreland. in the Commonwealth
of Pennsylvania, do hereby certify that Alexander Thom)
son, before whom the foregoing deposition was made, and
whose name in his own proper handwriting, is to the within
certificate appended, was then, and now ts, an acting justice
of the peace in and for the county of Westmoreland, duly
24 LOUGHERY'S DEFEAT,
commissioned and appointed, and to all whose official acts and
deeds full faith and credit are of right due,
(~—,. In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my
LS. - hand and affixed the seal of said court at Greens-
watnptegit 2 burg, the fourteenth day of March, in the year of
our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and torty-
four, Davip FuLLWwoop,
Prothonotary,
PENNSYLVANTA, )
ARMSTRONG COUNTY, |
NS
2?
Personally appeared before the subscriber a justice of the
peace In and for said county, Ezekiel Lewis, a resident of the
county of Armstrong, Pennsylvania, who being duly sworn >
according to law, upon his solemn oath doth depose and say:
That. sometime in the summer of seventeen hundred and
eighty-one, volunteers were raised in Westmoreland County,
Pennsylvania, for the purpose of joining an expedition 9%
that time making against the Mohawk, Seneca, and other
tribes of Indians; that said volunteers were to march in the
country now composing the State of Ohio; that the compa-
nies in Westmoreland were put under the command of Arch-
ibald Loughery, then a resident of Westmoreland County,
who commanded said companies as Colonel, and was received
and acknowledged by them as their colonel in command: the
troops rendezvoused on Sewekey[ Sewickley? or Jacob Swamps,
Westmoreland County, Colonel Loughery had, when he
started from the place of rendezvous, upwards of eighty men;
the companies composing Colonel Lougheryzs command were
commanded by Captain Robert Orr and William Campbell,
I was under the command of Captain William Campbell.
Deponent says they marched from the place of rendezvous,
he thinks, to MeKeesport, on the Monongahela river and
descended said river to Pittsburg: Captain Stockley joined
the command of Colonel Loughery, some place, before we
Wheeling, (dont recollect the place particularly); from
htroaca we traveled by land to Wheeling, where we em-
hapkes in boats and started down the Ohio river to join
Geleun ‘lark; in one or two days we stopped at the mouth
ot a creek where we expected to meet General Clark: when
we arrived there, General Clark had gone on down the river:
on our way down the river we took some deserters from
ee |
LOUGHERY'S DEFEAT, 25
General Clark’s command and carried them with us: Colonel
Loughery proceeded on down the river, intending to overtake
General Clark, until the 24th August, 1781, about 9 or 10
o'clock; we landed on the north bank of the Ohio for the
purpose of cooking breakfast: we had killed a buffalo the
evening before; where we landed was near the mouth of the
Big Mi: ami. As we were kindlivge the tires, the Indians
commenced an attack Upon us; there were about forty of the
whites killed and the rest all taken prisoners, toyether with
Colonel Loughery and all his officers; in about two hours
after we were taken, one of the Indians tomahawked Colonel
Loughery sitting on a log; [ saw him after he was Killed,
and his scalp was taken off; deponent saith he had been in-
timately acquainted with Colonel Loughery for some years
before the time of the ¢ ‘“umpaign spoken of; knew he had a
wife and some children; does not know how many. And
further saith not.
EZEKIEL LEWIS.
Subscribed and sworn to before me. 11th March, 1844.
Joun R. Jonson,
Justice of the Peace
We do certify that we have been intimately acquainted
with Kzekiel Lewis, the foregoing deponent, ‘for the last
twenty-five years, and that he isa man of truth and veracity,
and that he is so acknow ledged in the neighborhood in
Which he was raised since the time we have been acquainted
with him,
Witness my hand and seal, 11th March, 1844,
Joun R. JOuNstTon. \
Justice of the Peace. ( bisa
Rovert Orr.
STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA. ie
ARMSTRONG County. ar
I, James Douglass, prothonotary of the court of common
pleas in and for said county, do certify that John R. Johin-
ston, esquire, before whom the within deposition Was taken,
was, at the time of taking the same, an acting Justice of’ the
peace in and fap said county, duly elected, commissioned and
26 LOUGHERY'S DEFEAT. i
sworn, to all whose official acts as such, full faith and credit
are due and of right ought to be given, as well throughout
the county aforesaid as elsewhere; and that his signature
thereto is genuine and in his proper handwriting.
ae 5 In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my
L.8. hand and affixed the seal of said county at Kittan-
— ~ ‘ing, the 11th day of March, in the year of our
Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty-four.
J. Dovaiass, Prothonotary.
From reports of Committees, 2nd Sess., 29th Cong, No. 30. '
Same Report and affidavits made Reports Coms. Ist Sess.
39 Cong. Vol. I, 289. April 17, 1858, [Bill H. R. No. 504.3
AN ACCOUNT
ox
PIGEON ROOST MASSACRE,
By Jupak I, Nayior.*
The war of 1812 forms an important era in American His-
tory. At this eventful period, I lived at my father’s home
in Clark County, then Indiana Territory, near Charlestown,
three miles from the Ohio river. Many of the citizens of
this county having served as volunteers under Gen, Harri-
son on the Tippecanoe campaign, a few months prior to the
declaration of war, had imbibed a spirit of military enthusi-
usm, and were animated by feelings of hostility towards
Great Britain and her savage allies. They had hailed the
“Declaration of War,” as a second “Declaration of Independ-
ence, and had manifested ther : approbation of this aet of
the National Legislature by rejoicing and illuminations.
Under the influence of these feelings and this spirit of
military ardor, in the latter part of August t& company of
“Isat ic Naylor was bo nin Rockingham County, Virginia, in 1790, Hewas
the son of John and Elizabeth Naylor of an exeellent family on both sides.
His mother was the only sister of James, John and Charles Beggs, who were
prominent in Indiana Territorial and State affairs. His parents moved to
Charlestown, Indiana, when he was still a ehild. In ISI7 he was admitted
to the bar. He was in the militia service of the Indiana Territory from
I8I13 to I8l4 inclusive, and fouzht at the battle of Tippecanoe. In 1826 he
married Catherine Anderson, daught:rof Captain Robert An ferson of Ro v-
Olutionary fame. He moved to Crawfordsville in 1838 2nd was in 1837 elected
Judze of the twelfth circuit, and served until 1852, In 1860 he was elected
Judge of the Court of Common Pleas, retiring to private life in 1868, He
died at Crawfordsville Indiana, April 26, 1873.
28 PIGEON-ROOST MASSACRE,
mounted riflemen, commanded by Capt. Pittman marched to
Vincennes for the defence of the western portion of the
‘Territory.
About this time, we learned that Gen, Tull had disgrace-
fully surrendered his gallant army to the British General as
prisoners of war. The news of this event passed through
the Territory like an electric shock, inspiring all with fear.
ful forebodings of Indian depredations and indiscriminate
slaughter of the inhabitants along the line of our frontier,
Our anticipations of impending evil were soon realized,
A simultaneous attack was made by the Indians at many
points of our frontier settlements, At sunset, about the tirst
of August, some eight or ten Indians made an attack on
What was called the Pigeon Roost settlement, fifteen miles
from Charlestown, and in one briet hour killed about twenty -
three persons, including men, women and children, some
of whom were consumed in their homes where they were
murdered, But one house was successfully defended. This
wits the house of Mr, Collings, the father of Zebulon Collings,
Ksq., Who has written a more specific and enlarged account
of this massacre,
One of the sons of Mr. Collings was at work in a field, and
was mortally wounded before he could reach his father’s
dwelling. Ile was found in a day or two in a flax house,
and died shortly afterwards.
After scalping and mangling their victims in a most horri-
ble manner, the Iidians then plundered and. set fire to the
heuses and cGonsumed them to ashes,
I heard the news of this mournful event about 10 o'clock
in the morning of the nextday after it had occurred, and
having my rifle, powder and bullets in order in thirty min-
utes [was on my horse marching toward the Pigeon Roost,
I was soon in company with many mounted riflemen whom
] le on the road. We arrived at the ill-fated spot about
2 p.m., our company having increased to the number of two
or slugs hundred mounted riflemen,
Oh, what a mournful scene of desolation, carnage and
death met our vision, as we beheld the smoking ruins of log-
‘abins and the mangled bodies of men, and women, and
children, their once happy inmates!! Thad seen the Tippe-
canoe battle-fields strewn with dead and dying soldiers,
They had fallen in deadly strife with a savage foe whom they
had conquered. They had fallen in the soldier's costume,
:
4
PIGEON- ROOST MASSACRE, 2y
usoldiers armor, They were entitled to a soldier's rave,
Not so in the Piveon Roost) massacre, llere nll were
doomed to indiscriminate shiughter, trom the suckling babe
to the hoary headed grand-mother and @rand-sive, Neither
nee, HOP sSeX, hor beauty, hor innocence could stay the hand
of the merciless savage.
The Pigeon Roost settlement was confined to less than a
section of land. Tt was a fertile spot in the midst of sur
rounding sterility. Its fertility. was due to the roosting of
pigeons there for a long series of verrs. Tt was detached
from the main settlement by an intervening distance of tive
miles,
A Mrs, Beal, whose husband was a volunteer in C aupli in
Pitman’s nate ut Vincennes, hearing the yells of gi
Indians, retived from her log-cabin, with her two infints, to
asink hole ina cornfield. and remained there till nine or ten
oclock at night. when she lett her hiding place and traveled
® lonely path to the main settlement, where she arrived i
safety with her children, at two oclock the next morning,
exhibiting a presence of mind and a degree of moral courage
highly honorable to female character,
About this time an attack was made ou Fort Harrison by
a thousand or twelve nae Indians. Phe garrison, con-
rab of a company of U.S. fatantey wats commanded hy
Capt Zachary Taylor, now Ma ajor General Taylor comme uni.
ing the U.S. Army in Mexico. The Fort was most gallantly
and successfully defended, and atter a sieve of tive dave the
Liclinns retired, At three o'clock in the atternoon we found
the Indians trailand parsued it tilldark, and then encamped,
Minding that the Indians lad left the Pigeon Roost early in
the morning, we returned home. In two or three days a
large number oft brave Wentuekians chime to our assistiince,
They were all mounted riflemen, anxious to avenge the death
of those unfortunate inhabitants who had been murdered at
Pigeon Roost, and they Were joined hy i laroe Humber of
Lidinna mounted riflemen, who commenced an expedition
weainst the Deliuware Towns, located on the west branch of
White river. In attempting a military organization, the ex-
pedition failed through the ambition of a few men who
desired to have the command ot the troops. We then dis-
persed and retired to our homes, finding a general panic
among the people, many of whom had left their homes and
gone to Kentucky.
The court house at Charlestown was converted into a fort
‘
30 PIGEON-ROOST MASSACRE,
for the protection of the town and its vicinity. Forts were
erected all along the line of our frontier settlements, They
Were garrisoned by the millitia of the Territory, whose duty
it was to range from one fort to the other. until the spring ot
1813, when the U. 8. Rangers went into service. In the
early part of March, 1813, the Indians killed a Mr. Huffman,
wounded his wife, and took his grand-son prisoner in day
light, in sight of one of the forts, eight miles from Charles-
town,
The preceding is but a briet’ and imperfect sketch of the
war scenes of 1812 and '13 as they uppeared in a portion of
Tidiana,
PIGEON-ROOST MASSACRE
A. W. Toptas, IN Mapison Covnien
Pigeon Roost was the name of a smal! settlement formed
in 1809, and was so called from the innumerable number of
pigeons that roosted in that vicinity. It was situated tive
miles south of Scottsburg, the present county-seat of Scott,
and near a beautiful stream that bears the memorable hame
until this day. At the time of the massacre most of the men
were away from home. In the afternoon of’ Sept. 3, 1812,
Ellis Payne and a Mr. Collings, while out bee-hunting one
anda half miles from the present site of Vienna. were sur-
prised and killed be a party of Shawnee warriors, Sealping
their victims, they hastened toward the settlement, which
they reached about sundown. In one short hour one man,
five women and sixteen children were struck dead by the
ruthless tomahawk of the fiendish savages, Amone the
killed were Henry Collings and wife, Mrs, Payne and her
eight childten, Mrs. Collings and her seven children, Mrs.
John Norris, her only child and aged mother-in-law—ftor the
aged were spared no more than the infant. Mrs. Biges con-
cealed herself and children in a sink-hole, until the Indians
became busily engaged in burning and plundering. when
she fled, and succeeded in reaching the residence of her
brother. John Collings. son of William E. Collings, had just
caught a horse to go after the cows. when he saw aw Indian
approaching in a threatening attitude. He dropped the rein
and fled, pursued by the savage, who was gaining on him,
when he heard the report of’ his father’s rifle, and saw the
savage fall with the blood streaming from his breast, He
succeeded in reaching the house in safety. There wasin the
house: William E. Collings (whom the Indians well knew,
and from his unerring aim named Long Knife), his two chil-
dren, John and Lydia, and Captain Norris. They kept the
Indians back until about dark. They knew that as soon as
32 PIGEON-ROOST MASSACRE.
it was dark enough for the Indians to approach the house
without being seen, they would set fire to it, and burn them
alive. They therefore decided to risk the peril of escape.
Lydia went first, then her brother John, followed by Nor.is,
and lastly, “Long Knife.” As the latter was passing the
corn-crib an Indian fired at him. He immediately raised
his gun to return the tire when he found that the ball fired
by the savage had broken the lock of his gun. He hatlooed
to Norris to bring him the other gun, but Norris was like the
irishman, “He had a brave heart, but ee pair of legs,”
and they carried him away, leaving Collings to fight the
Indians alone with a broken eun, When they erowded him
too close he would raise his gun and pretend that he was
going io fire, and thus frighten them back: for se knew,
trom the many shooting-matches in which he came out
second to none, that it was folly to stand before t... aim. In
this way he reached the corn tield, under cover of which he
escaped. After plundering the houses the Indians set fire to
them and most of the dead bodies being within the houses
were thus consumed. Tlowever, some of the children were
pierced by sharp sticks and left sitting against trees. Their
horrigle deed vecomplished, the Indians started northward.
A large force of Clark County militia were soon gathered
from the vicinity of Charleston, which reached the scene of
carnage, while the smoking remains of the cabins ang charred
bodies presented the most horrible spectacle they had ever
withessed. They immediately pursued the savages to the
Muscatatuek, whieh they found so much swollen that they
could not effeet a crossing. and were compelled to give up
the pursuit. They then returned and buried the remains
of the victims in two eraves, about one hundred vards east
of the J. M. & I. railroad, and near what is since known as
the Pigeon-roost or Sodom Cemetery, At present there is
nothing to show where the @raves are, exce pt three or four
rough stones and a large sassatras tree, which is said to have
witnessed the event, but is now thought to be entirely dead.
EST he ge att naa: eR
ak ipa i es i oh a Ne